California Closing Fifth Prision
- Rex Ballard
- Jan 3
- 5 min read
California's criminal justice system has been ravaged by a decade of radical progressive reforms that prioritized leniency over public safety, leading to surging crime, strained resources, and a deliberate reduction in incarceration. Critics rightfully point to "soft on crime" policies—championed by district attorneys funded by billionaire George Soros—as the driving force behind rampant property theft, drug-fueled chaos, and eroded deterrence.
These policies triggered widespread voter outrage, resulting in the ousting of several high-profile DAs and the passage of Proposition 36 in 2024. As tougher enforcement takes hold, prison and jail populations are projected to rise, setting the stage for a severe overcrowding crisis that will reverse years of premature prison closures and expose the folly of decarceration experiments.
Notwithstanding what voters see and feel, if you download California crime statistics it will paint a picture that crime of all types is down -- and down dramatically. The Democrat led legislature will tell you that the reason for the prison closures is because of declining prison populations due to the falling crime rates. The cold reality is that it's a budget problem and rather than address it they would rather unleash criminals upon the populace.
Key Highlights: Premature Prison Closures and the Overloaded County Jails
State Prison Closures Under Gov. Newsom (2019–Present):
Four full state prisons permanently closed to date: Deuel Vocational Institution (Tracy, 2021), California Correctional Center (Susanville, 2023), Chuckawalla Valley State Prison (Blythe, ~2025), and leased/private facilities like California City Correctional Facility (2024)—moves critics call reckless amid rising commitments.
Fifth closure planned: California Rehabilitation Center (CRC) in Norco, scheduled for full closure by fall 2026, projected to "save" $150 million annually but at the risk of future capacity shortages.
Resulting operational footprint: Upon CRC's closure, CDCR will operate only 30 adult prisons statewide—a sharp reduction that ignores long-term needs.
Additional cuts: Deactivation of yards, housing units, conservation camps, and all out-of-state/private contracts, further shrinking capacity.
Shifting Burden from Realignment (AB 109, 2011)—Without Adequate Budget Relief:
Non-violent offenders were diverted en masse to county jails, dumping massive new responsibilities on local governments with insufficient ongoing state funding—critics, including county officials and sheriffs, argue the allocated realignment dollars (around $2 billion annually in recent years) fall far short of covering expanded supervision, incarceration, and programming costs.
This underfunded mandate forced counties to absorb billions in unfunded liabilities, leading to chronic overcrowding, staffing crises, rampant in-custody deaths, and reliance on early releases to manage populations.
Current jail crisis: While statewide averages hover around 56,800, major counties like Los Angeles remain chronically overcrowded and under-resourced. Right here at home in Shasta County we suffer from jail over crowding that then becomes an excuse for our DA to drop prosecutions.,
Prop 36's impact: New felony filings for repeat theft and drug offenses are flooding jails with longer sentences and pretrial detainees—without dedicated new state budget relief—exacerbating the strain realignment created and prompting warnings from counties about impending shortfalls in the tens of millions for courts, jails, and treatment.
These state prison closures were justified by a manipulated decline in state prison populations (from a 2006 peak of over 173,000 to ~90,000–92,000 today) with much of the difference being sent to overburdened County jails.
The Root Cause: Soros-Backed Progressive DAs and Lenient Reforms
Starting in the 2010s, California embraced extreme reforms to empty prisons, regardless of public safety consequences:
AB 109 (Realignment, 2011): Dumped offenders into under-resourced county jails.
Proposition 47 (2014): Downgraded thefts under $950 and drug possession to misdemeanors, effectively decriminalizing shoplifting and fueling retail theft epidemics.
Proposition 57 (2016): Handed out early releases and credits, shortening sentences for serious offenders.
These changes, pushed by Govs. Jerry Brown and Gavin Newsom, were amplified by a network of Soros-funded progressive DAs who openly refused to prosecute low-level crimes, eliminated enhancements, and prioritized "equity" over accountability. Key figures included:
George Gascón (Los Angeles County, bankrolled with over $2.5 million from Soros-linked PACs).
Chesa Boudin (San Francisco, similarly funded).
Pamela Price (Alameda County).
Diana Becton (Contra Costa County, re-elected with over $1 million in Soros support).
Soros has poured tens of millions nationwide into these races to impose his vision of a depoliced, deincarcerated society. The result: emboldened criminals, exploding retail theft rings, open drug markets, and a breakdown in law and order that devastated businesses and neighborhoods.
The Real Crisis: Crime Surge, Statistical Doubts, and Societal Breakdown
These policies directly contributed to post-pandemic crime waves—property thefts skyrocketed, auto burglaries became routine, and violent incidents flared in cities like San Francisco and Oakland. Organized smash-and-grab crews operated with impunity, while repeat offenders cycled through catch-and-release systems. Consequently retailers have been forced to leave many large cities.
Crime Statistics Under Fire: Official claims of sharp 2025 declines (e.g., homicides down 18-20%, property crime dropping) are met with widespread skepticism. Multiple U.S. cities and states have been caught manipulating data—reclassifying serious crimes, under reporting, or exploiting reporting gaps (e.g., 2015 LAPD scandals, recent Washington, D.C. investigations). In California, critics argue similar issues persist, compounded by victims and businesses abandoning police reports due to zero consequences.
Disconnect with Reality: Reported "drops" ring hollow against visible crises—skyrocketing homelessness and encampments, rampant fentanyl dealing and overdoses, economic hardship driving business exodus, and strains from unchecked illegal immigration, which conservative sources link to unreported crimes and resource drain. These factors suggest actual crime remains elevated, hidden by non-prosecution and discouragement of reporting.
Voter Revolt: Tossing Out the Soros DAs and Passing Prop 36
Fed up Californians delivered resounding rebukes:
Chesa Boudin recalled (2022).
Pamela Price recalled (2024).
George Gascón defeated (2024) by tough-on-crime Nathan Hochman.
Nationwide, over 20 Soros-backed DAs have been removed since 2022.
In California, only Diana Becton clings to office amid recall efforts. This wave crested with Proposition 36's landslide passage in 2024, restoring felony charges for repeat thieves and drug offenders—directly countering Prop 47's damage and mandating accountability.
The Inevitable Reckoning: Prison Populations Will Surge
Prop 36 is already driving thousands of new felony filings and longer sentences. CDCR projects a 19.2% jump in commitments (~5,186 more annually by 2028-29), with hundreds of monthly admissions under new codes. Jails face even heavier loads from pretrial and shorter felony terms—without sufficient state relief to match the shifted burden.
While short-term populations remain low due to prior releases, the trajectory points to rapid growth that will strain—or exceed—remaining capacity, especially with ongoing closures. Critics warn of a full-blown overcrowding crisis, skyrocketing costs, and renewed risks to guards and inmates.
California's experiment with radical leniency has failed spectacularly. Voter-driven corrections via DA ousters and Prop 36 offer hope for restoration of order, but the coming prison crunch will serve as a costly reminder: public safety demands consequences, not ideology.
